Let's be honest. The odds are heavily in favour of her returning to government with an increased majority. "Trust me, I am a safe pair of hands and the others don't know how to steer us through Brexit" is a powerful message. That will go down well with the voters.
There are just one or two problems for her in getting that message across. Firstly she isn't remotely a safe pair of hands. One minute she is telling us that we should vote Remain because that is in the economic interests of the country. The next she is telling us that she's going for the hardest of Brexits and we can manage outside the single market. That can only mean one of two things. The first is that before the Referendum her considered thoughtful economic judgement was that we needed to stay in and now she is ignoring her own best judgement to push through something she knows in her heart to be a reckless gamble. Or it means that she calculated her self-interest one way before the referendum and another way after. Neither looks to me like the decision of a person you can entirely trust. Not my idea of the safe pair of hands. Particularly since she is backed by a deeply divided party and has very few moderate sensible reliable pragmatists in her Cabinet.
The second problem is even bigger. It is becoming increasingly clear to anyone who reads advanced economic indicators - I am sad enough to do so - that the economy is heading in a very difficult direction. Consider these factors:
* Consumer debt has leapt to record levels and it is that borrowing that has propped up UK economic growth. Sooner or later that has to stop. Consumer spending has just dropped significantly so sooner is highly likely. The retail sector is a massive component of GNP and May's entire narrative goes up in smoke if economic growth stalls under her leadership
* Inflation is starting to take off and wages are once again falling behind. At best real wages are static. In practice many more people have seen a decline in their living standards over the past 10 years than an increase. This is coupled with a serious collapse in economic security. You don't have any meaningful rights at work if you are on a zero hours contract. 4 million people are. Large numbers of workers in the public sector such as teachers or nurses have faced declining living standards alongside increased bureaucratic workloads for ten straight years with no end in sight.
* The UK has been running a balance of payments deficit for decades. For some strange reason that no longer seems to register as a reason for serious alarm in many sections of the media. It is. It matters every bit as much as the deficit in government revenues. Sooner or later it has to be fixed or else as a mathematical fact we have to sell off our assets abroad. There is only so long that you can continue to sell high end property in London and attract hot money into the city.
* The UK government has been running a significant deficit on income and expenditure for ten years and Hammond told us he couldn't fix that before 2020. Any slight failure to deliver hugely optimistic projections of economic growth and his projection falls apart. If a fresh recession arrives it is extraordinarily hard to see what any government can do. All weapons in the armoury have now been used up. Interest rates have been near zero for a decade. They can't go lower. £400 billion of money has been printed and pumped into the economy via quantitative easing. That could be done at a time of falling prices. It is a very risky and dangerous thing to do when they are rising.
* The City of London has gone back to creating risky financial instruments and making complex bets on their value. The UK is still heavily dependent on a single "industry" and nothing fundamental has been done to make that industry more reliable and sustainable. It was this industry that gave us the crash. After ten years of austerity we still haven't tackled its core problems.
* Into this volatile mix we have thrown Brexit and then there is the small problem of an unpredictable President of the United States.
Whilst most ordinary people are far too busy living their lives to read the indicators they do have a very sensitive nose for whether things are going well or badly. At the moment a lot of them know something is wrong and the overwhelming mood of the country is fear for the future. May's best bet is to feed on that fear and convince as many people as she can that without her standing steady this tide of economic and social disaster will overwhelm us. If she succeeds in selling herself as the one sensible person standing above the fray and keeping to a steady middle road then the election is hers big time.
There is, however, another possibility. We can use this campaign to point out to more and more people that things aren't actually heading for sunny uplands. She isn't the head of a steady middle ground. She is head of a far right clique that has captured the Conservative Party and considers David Cameron to have been a dangerous lefty. They aren't carefully calculating economic policies and coming up with a strategy for the country. They are listening to their own deeply ideological bloggers, believing their own propaganda and then inflicting that fantasy world on the nation.
The support for the Conservatives is soggy. The prevailing mood in the country is that they don't trust anyone. All the progressives have to do is to drag Theresa May and her deeply weird Cabinet colleagues into that circle of distrust and cast doubt in the minds of the nation. If we can get through to people that she really doesn't know what she is doing, that she is making it up by the day, that she vacillates constantly as her self interest changes, and that she is leading a deeply split untrustworthy bunch of wild gamblers then the outcome of this election will be very different to what she expects.
There is therefore everything to play for. The Liberal Democrats are highly likely to win back several of their seats from the Conservatives in areas of the country that are heavily Remain. May is unlikely to win any more seats close to London. Up north and in the Midlands it is entirely possible that Corbyn's message will play very well with traditional labour voters. UKIP grew partly by claiming Labour had abandoned the traditional working class. Corbyn has been a very poor organiser of his parliamentary party. He is, however, very good on the political campaign trail and has the advantage that he is seen as an outsider and as honest at a time when those are very valuable assets. In these circumstances it is entirely possible for May to struggle to win enough seats from Labour in industrial heartlands to make up for seats lost to Lib Dems in Remain areas.
From my own point of view I remain convinced that we urgently need to heavily re-orientate our economy in the direction of modern sustainable green industry and commerce. I'm really pleased to have the chance to put the case for the Greens as their candidate in Skipton and Ripon. I'm also pleased that across the country the Greens will be putting forward a much more positive vision than any of the other parties. But I am also very pleased that we are being sensible about talking locally to other parties. There are good people standing for Labour, for the Lib Dems and actually also for the Conservatives. If we can work together to get enough of them elected then the next Parliament might just prove very different to what most commentators expect.
We could have a hung Parliament with a smattering of Green MPs and some very feisty people in other parties. I would take that any time over a massive majority for an untrustworthy leader of the cabal that has captured the old Conservative Party and made it as reliable and safe as Donald Trump playing with a nuclear weapon. Let's do our utmost over the next few weeks to make it happen.